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Annual Research Conference

Datum nieuwsfeit: 11-10-2007
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European Union



SPEECH/07/616

Joaquín Almunia

European Commissioner for Economic and Monetary Policy

Matching Efficiency with Fairness

Annual Research Conference Centre Borschette, 11 October 2007

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It gives me great pleasure to open DG Ecfin's 4th Annual Research Conference on Growth and Income Distribution in an integrated Europe. The subject of today's conference is very important for Europe in view of the new cycle of the Lisbon strategy at the beginning of next year and the 10th anniversary of EMU next spring.

Indeed, the patterns of distribution of income and wealth in Europe in comparison with other areas of the world, and whether Economic and Monetary Union is impacting on such income distribution, have never been dealt with explicitly and comprehensively. In an age where concerns about the divide between the rich and the poor are growing the world over and income inequality is increasingly put under the microscope, it is time we bring this debate to the EU Europe and open the way for further investigation.

Inequality in a global context

Rising income inequality is a global phenomenon and a growing concern worldwide. In the US, rising inequality has been evident for at least three decades, and is manifest not just in real wages but also in real household income.

And rising inequality is not only a matter for industrialised countries like the US, but also for the ex-communist states like Russia and emerging economies in Asia and South America. For example, in a marked departure from previous decades, India has experienced a visible increase in income inequality since the 1990s. China has also seen a rapid increase in income inequality since it began its reform process, transforming it from a country with high equality in income distribution to one with large income gaps.

It is the worldwide recurrence of this trend that is bringing the question of income distribution to the fore.

Inequality in Europe

Let's now have a look at the evidence for Europe. Let me start with the issue of the wage share. In Europe it is true that since the 1980s wage shares have been on a downward trend but they have not fallen everywhere. In some Member States, such as Belgium, the Netherlands, Portugal, Sweden and the UK, wage shares have remained relatively stable. So, so it is hard to discern a common trend for the EU. This is contrary to the picture in the United States, where since the 1970s the overall trend for wage shares has been downward.

To a certain degree, the decline in developed economies partly reflects a correction of strong rises in wage shares during the late 1960s and 1970s but is also linked to the fact that wages are no longer the sole source of household income. Today, returns on savings and capital stock appreciation also represent important forms of revenue for households.

In fact, one could argue that wage shares are poor indicators for income inequality at the personal or household level. For a proper appraisal of inequality trends, personal income, which includes other incomes, besides wages, may be a more telling measurement.

Let me now look at another indicator, namely the gap between high and low wage earners which appear s to have increased overall. Part of this increase can be attributed to what is known as a "skill-biased technical change", the fact that new technologies have tended to increase the productivity of highly skilled workers relatively more than less skilled workers.

At the same time, in a larger and wealthier global market, the demand for the most-gifted individuals, whether the CEO of a corporation or
-for that matter - a sports personality, has significantly increased the wages of top-earners. Indeed, across the industrialised world, top income earners appear to have secured a disproportionate share of the overall income gains, although national experiences vary over the last decades.

However, again, in Europe there is no overarching trend in this domain. Income dispersion appears to have increased moderately in the Nordic countries, Austria and Germany, but there is no such clear tendency in the Netherlands or France; in Italy, the gap between high and low wage earners rose significantly in the early 1990s but stabilised thereafter. On the other hand, the countries which in the 1990's were the poorest in the EU - Portugal, Greece, and Spain - have all seen a decrease in inequality over the past decade.

This shows, firstly, that there is no widespread fall in the wage share of wealth in Europe, even if this is the trend in other parts of the world. Secondly, even when it falls in one or several countries, the trend does not run uninterrupted. Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, the trends in inequality appear to be driven by developments in the upper half of the distribution. In other words, amongst those that earn the most.

Although our preliminary findings generally do not support the view that Europe is suffering from rising inequality, the fight of inequality has always been at the centre of our economic policy. Over the last 50 years, European welfare systems established the EU as a world leader in providing economic wellbeing to its citizens. They have been the foundation of a society where tax and benefit schemes and the provision of goods and services establish a more level playing field and greater equality of opportunity. In fact in Europe, disposable incomes - that is incomes after taxes and government benefits - are more equally distributed than market incomes. When the impact of tax and benefit systems is taken into account, inequality falls, on average, by about 40% for the six EU countries for which the respective data is available, namely Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Sweden, Germany and the UK. This is almost twice the reduction in inequality calculated for the US.

Moreover, the establishment of Economic and Monetary Union has anchored a stable economic environment and facilitated growth and social cohesion in Europe. EMU has shielded citizens from the adverse effects of financial turmoil and exchange rate crises that plagued our economies during the 1970s and 1980s and has put an end to volatile and unexpected swings in inflation. Given that high inflation punishes the poorest sections of a population the most, the euro has had an important, positive social impact.

Of course, Europe's spirit of integration has not only shaped our internal dynamics, but also our external economic policies. Indeed, Europe has everything to gain from an integrated global economy. Conservative estimates indicate that about one fifth of the increase in living standards in the EU over the past 50 years is the result of Europe's integration in the world.

New challenges

Nevertheless European citizens are not immune to insecurities stemming from the sweeping changes taking place in the global economic landscape. Moreover, while EU policies are working to the advantage of European citizens as a whole, the positive effects do not necessarily benefit all individuals, regions or industries in the same way.

Globalisation and technological change are certainly putting pressure on the way our economies function, and on the capacity of our social models to correct its weaknesses. Many Europeans have trouble adapting to the fast pace of change in today's global economy. Some see the wider processes of globalisation and liberalisation and the EU's own drive for greater competitiveness within that, as much as a threat to their well-being than as a facilitator of it.

Indeed, Against this backdrop of rapid change, there is sometimes the perception that certain policies at the Community level have aggravated a trend towards widening income gaps.

How our economic and social models will adapt to accommodate such changes and dispel these fears requires thorough investigation.

Policies to match efficiency with fairness

Our task as policy makers is to ensure that citizens are offered the widest possible access to the opportunities offered by European integration and globalisation.

This will require a more precise adherence to the key principles of our social models: that is distributing economic opportunity as widely and equally possible; linking outcomes to the contributions that each person makes to the economy, and providing insurance against the most adverse economic outcomes, notably when they cannot be controlled by the individual. Addressing the insecurity and marginalisation that many people face in the contemporary labour market has to be paramount.

Sensible solutions need to be found to combine economic dynamism with comprehensive social protection systems. There is scope to further develop economic and social policies along these lines, although the Lisbon Strategy for growth and Jobs has certainly set us on the right path to meet this objective.

Product, labour and capital market reforms aim to inject a new dynamism into the economy that will foster innovation, growth and jobs and raising the living standards of European citizens as a whole. At the same time, labour market reforms are increasing employment levels, playing a key role to not only raise growth but to reduce inequality as well.

Indeed, helping people to find work is perhaps the most effective way to tackle social exclusion. In the fast changing world of the 21st century, it is vital that labour market reforms enable workers to move smoothly from declining to expanding activities.

We have to go beyond the traditional idea that flexibility is the enemy of social justice. New economic realities mean that people will make more transitions, whether from education to employment, from unemployment to work or from one job to another. Our task is to help people manage these transitions more successfully.

This is why education and training should form a key element of an adapted economic and social model. Job security can give way to employment security, based on continuous updating of skills and backed up by adequate income support during spells of unemployment. Indeed, education and training is central to any economic strategy that aims to promote fairness and equality of opportunity.

Better investment in human capital is essential to facilitate upward mobility in our societies. It is also crucial to increase opportunities for both genders in a context where insufficient action has been taken to close the gender pay gap and reconcile the worlds of work and family.

Greater investment in education and skills will need to be complemented by quality in public finances. Taking into account the size of the public sector in many European countries, striving for a fair and inclusive society does not necessarily mean higher taxes and higher public spending, but rather smarter taxes and more effective spending.

Public expenditure could be channelled towards more growth-enhancing investment items, such as education and research. Not only does this approach combine redistribution with efficiency, it also helps make public finances more sustainable faced with the long term challenge of ageing.

The counterpart to efficient government spending is improved taxation systems. Simplifying tax systems and increasing fairness, transparency, and efficiency of taxation by broadening tax bases, eliminating unjustified loopholes and combating tax evasion are all valuable avenues for achieving this objective.

In sum, by implementing the structural reforms of the Lisbon Strategy, the EU is already seeking ways to match economic efficiency with social equality. However, further analysis can give us a fuller picture of our policy options. That is why the work that you are doing is invaluable to generate ideas and contribute to this debate.

Conclusion

Ladies and Gentlemen, let me conclude.

Openness and integration are key principles in the process of European construction, principles which have driven prosperity and growth. Indeed, economic theory and history teach us that open trade, integration and migration of labour and capital are powerful tools for raising aggregate living standards. Our social models are designed to distribute this prosperity as fairly as possible. However, in a rapidly changing economic landscape, the instruments designed 50 years ago require some adaptation.

New approaches are needed to ensure individuals are equipped for gainful employment in the knowledge economy, that the proceeds from higher growth are fairly shared and that new inequalities are properly addressed.

I am convinced that this conference will add to our knowledge on these issues, that it will give us new answers and new perspectives. I am pleased to see all of you gathered here today and I am looking forward to some interesting and informative discussion.


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